Apple Faces Boycott Over Worker Abuses In China. It's Not Crazy Talk. - Forbes

Fair-labor organizers, Change.org and SumOfUs.org, delivered 250,000 signatures to Apple stores in six cities around the world on Thursday in protest of the company’s working conditions in China, according to a report in Mashable.

Last month, an excellent New York Times exposé ripped at Apple’s core, building on previous concerns about abuses at firms that Apple uses to make its bestselling iPhones, iPads and Mac computers.

The claims should be familiar by now as Foxconn in southern China, one of Apple’s primary suppliers, has repeatedly been the subject of accusations of worker mistreatment and unsafe working conditions. From Mashable:

Foxconn has been accused of making laborers work long hours without breaks, use dangerous chemicals that have caused severe health problems and exposing workers to dangerous conditions. The repetitive work and spartan living conditions have also been to blame for suicides at the factory.

Charlotte Hill, communications manager at Change.org, pleaded with Apple to use its creativity to “think ethically” and create an iPhone without using factories that have harsh working conditions.

“No iPhone is worth that cost,” she said.

At the same time, Apple has also generated billions of dollars in profits, in part due to the cheapness of Chinese labor. (Revenue last quarter surged 74 percent to a record US$46.3 billion and profit more than doubled to US$13.1 billion, blowing away Wall Street‘s expectations as Apple sold more stuff than in any quarter in its history.)

The Mashable report comes as rumors point to Siri, the much lauded iPhone 4S intelligent personal assistant, adding Mandarin Chinese support next month.

For perspective, read “The Apple Boycott: People Are Spouting Nonsense about Chinese Manufacturing.”

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A Christian priest faces grim New Year in Iraq - Los Angeles Times

Father Nadheer Dako, left, leads mourners as they carry in the coffin of Fawzi Rahim, 76, for funeral Mass at St. George Chaldean Church in Baghdad. (Khalid Mohammed, Associated Press / December 31, 2010)

Father Nadheer Dako started the last day of 2010 with a funeral service for an elderly couple killed by a bomb during a string of attacks against Iraq's small Christian community.

The previous night Fawzi Ibrahim, 80, and his 75-year-old wife Jeanette had opened their door to find a piece of luggage. When they touched the bag a hidden bomb exploded. Their house was one of ten Christian targets hit by militants Thursday night.

Now Dako, who is always ready with a sarcastic barb and a smirk, had to round up enough parishioners to join five relatives for the service at St. George Chaldean Church in Baghdad. It was a cold day with gray skies. Rain pounded the sidewalk and flooded the half-paved streets.

He gathered together 20 people and they entered the yellow brick church with its cross standing out among the neighborhood's Islamic flags.

Dako, 38, is used to living with death. He had become accustomed to danger even before an Oct. 31 siege by Islamic militants at another Baghdad church that left 58 people dead and ushered in a new campaign of attacks against Iraq's Christian minority.

In 2007, he had played a cat-and-mouse game as he hid from would-be kidnappers who surrounded his church; that same year he narrowly escaped a bomb apparently meant for him. He had watched too many Christians leave the city for safety elsewhere. But he was not going to let himself fall into depression.

He would scowl and shout from the pulpit and jab the air with his finger. He would smile and indulge in ghoulish humor. Or he would sing.

And on Friday, he would bury a couple, victims of a senseless act of violence, and later in the day would celebrate life again.

"It was a good Santa Claus this year," he said with a wicked look in his eyes and a sardonic grin after returning home from the funeral.

He quickly veered off into angry screeds against the United States, blaming the 2003 invasion for his country's woes. He grinned as he said the names of U.S. officials as if speaking four-letter words. He hectored: "Where are you Americans. You promised bring us good democracy and good government. Where is [former U.S. administrator J. Paul] Bremer?"

At the service for the Ibrahims, he read to the mostly empty pews a verse from St. Paul. "God gives us a soul of power and charity, not a soul of fear."

He had admired the couple; their children had left years before for the United States and Europe but the Ibrahims refused to leave Iraq. He thought they had been preparing to die. They had readied tombstones months in advance.

As the small group of relatives traveled with the bodies to the cemetery, Dako prepared for his New Year's service that evening. He sat in his rectory, his collar loosened and a scarf tied tight around his neck and thought about what he should say. He made it clear his group was resilient and would never surrender.

"Jesus asks us not to be afraid, to be a disciple and share the light with the people," he said.

A baby's cry came from the next room, where a Christian couple were staying with their infant after fleeing from the northern city of Mosul.

Dako changed into white vestments and stood by the altar before a small crowd at 4:30 p.m. The decorations blinked on a white Christmas tree and candles gleamed by the altar. He raised his hands in the air.

"God is the light and peace," he said. "Protect the dignity of all, Muslims, Christians, Yazidis, Shabak, Sudanis, Pakistanis."

Some leaned their heads against the wooden benches in thought. For a minute, the power went out and his voice bellowed in the dark.

Later in the evening Dako planned to eat and drink wine with friends. He would call his siblings and mother, who are scattered around the world as a result of the turmoil.

He promised: "Life will continue, and never, never will it stop, even if I die, it will continue. It is God's will."

ned.parker@latimes.com

Salman is a Times staff writer.

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Crisis of Democracy Faces Euro Zone - Wall Street Journal

Tiny Ireland and the major powers of the European Union were still engaged in their strange dance last night The EU and the European Central Bank want the Irish to ask for a bailout. Ireland, crippled by the guarantee it gave its banks and all but bust, says it doesn't need bailing out, thank you very much. Oh yes you do, says everyone else. Oh no we don't, say the Irish, but while you're on the line: what would the terms be?

One has to admire the Irish for their pluck, and for their striving to protect a rather weak negotiating position. If Irish ministers resist they know it would mean the spread of more investor panic to other countries. In theory, this could in time blow up the euro zone, trigger a depression and derail the European project.

Reuters Christine Lagarde of France and Germany's Wolfgang Schäuble Tuesday.

Herman Van Rompuy, the EU's president, acknowledged this yesterday: "We all have to work together in order to survive with the euro zone, because if we don't survive with the euro zone we will not survive with the European Union."

But he said he was confident the Irish end of the crisis could be handled. And in one sense he's right. Barring an earthquake, the euro zone is not going to blow up.

Any country leaving would find that its new currency dropped like a stone (which would increase the relative size of its debts, still denominated in euros). It might default but it could not raise a penny on the markets to fund itself. Unless there is gold at the end of the rainbow, or 870 million barrels of oil off the west coast of Ireland, as was claimed yesterday, Ireland's only option appears to be the euro. It long ago passed the point of no return.

As I have argued several times in this space before, and Ireland is discovering, the events surrounding the sovereign debt crisis are driving much closer integration in the euro zone. In exchange for German guarantees, and EU-sponsored bailouts, the other countries in the single currency must learn to live by German rules.

But then what? Accelerated by the crisis, a new model of government without direct accountability to voters is being constructed. And the democratic consequences have been given very little thought other than by a hardened band of opponents.

To listen to European leaders speak in public, one would imagine there really are no implications. It is as it ever was, only a little bit more so. Ireland's Finance Minister Brian Lenihan was interviewed recently and suggested it was the same old story: "Ireland has always been linked to a fixed currency arrangement. We are currently linked to the euro, we were linked with sterling for more than 150 years. Small countries don't have the luxury of having a separate currency, they link themselves to another currency, there's nothing unusual about that."

In reality, the political end of the European project is now being completed, having been parked because it was too difficult a subject when the single currency was founded. So Ireland is not just "linked" to another currency—its independence is no more than notional. In return for its bailout it will lose control over its corporate tax rates, if not this time then a little further down the line. There will be extraordinary oversight not just of budgets but all manner of other aspects of euro-zone countries' economies. That goes well beyond a pooling of sovereignty. If it walks like a government, and it talks like a government, then it probably is a government.

But what happens when enough voters, in what might be called a nation state, inside the euro zone, one day soon decide that they want to change their government? I don't mean reshuffle their political elite, drilled by the bond markets and common currency orthodoxy, but vote to really head off in a new direction right or left, a direction that requires an independent economic policy. Perhaps such voters in countries including Ireland will always be relaxed when they discover the option has been permanently removed by the ECB and EU. But what happens if they are not so relaxed?

Skepticism about the European project leads to nationalism and extremism, said Mr. Van Rompuy last week. It is equally possible that designing a new form of government that does not have democracy at its heart will anger voters and provide an opening for extremists.

Meanwhile, on the other side of the Irish border, the U.K. government is already considering how Northern Ireland might gain a competitive advantage as the celtic tiger licks its wounds.

Intriguingly, in a speech last night in London the Northern Ireland Secretary Owen Paterson raised the possibility of allowing Ulster to have lower corporate tax rates than the rest of the U.K. About 70% of economic activity in the north is in the public sector, and the government hopes to gradually wean Ulster off state dependency.

Mr. Paterson said: "Despite its current economic problems in the first six months of this year the Republic of Ireland attracted over 50 foreign direct investments, including a number of big global hitters. There's an obvious reason for this and it does put us at a real competitive disadvantage. That's why, by the end of the year and working with the [Northern Ireland] executive, the Government will produce a paper on rebalancing the Northern Ireland economy. This will look at possible ways of turning Northern Ireland into an enterprise zone and potential mechanisms for giving it a separate rate of corporation tax to attract significant new investment."

Never waste a serious crisis, as someone once put it.

Write to Iain Martin at iain.martin@wsj.com

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